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Shevchuk Lost As Politician

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Written by Radu
Wednesday, 21 May 2008

The speaker of the Transnistrian parliament, Yevgeniy Shevchuk, is already happy with the outcomes of the constructive actions undertaken by the Moldovan leadership and the European structures, in order to settle the Transnistrian conflict and consolidate confidence between the two banks of Dniestre. Shevchuk has won back the right to freely travel to the European Union (EU), and now, he has the possibility of addressing MEPs. But while Shevchuk is going from one European capital city to another, the situation changes in favour of the executive structures in Tiraspol. 

 

Till not so long ago, it seemed that the Obnovlenye (Renewal) party, backed by the region’s business structures, and the formal leader of which Shevchuk is, was turning into the most important political force in Transnistria. The problems raised by Shevchuk and his colleagues at the official level aroused the admiration of voters in the breakaway republic. The position of principle on the issue of paying off debts for the consumption of Russian gas, the proposals that the constitution should be amended, control over the distribution of the Russian humanitarian assistance – all these placed the main parliamentary party on the first place among other political formations of the region in terms of popularity.

 

Yet, lately, things have changed. The issue of gas debt payment has not been settled completely. The sensational statements made by the speaker at a news conference held in 2007, during which he accused Smirnov’s clan of misappropriating money paid for gas by the region’s residents and enterprises have decayed. Now, Shevchuk no longer raises the concerned matter. In fact, this would no longer make sense: Oxana Ionova, who is an ally of Igor Smirnov, was appointed as head of the central bank of Transnistria. Even if the money from the "family" bank, Gazprombank, is transferred to the central bank, it anyway could no longer be checked by Obnovlenye and its sponsors. Finally, it is likely that the true rulers of Transnistria have reached an agreement, nonetheless, Shevchuk has lost as politician.

 

The situation is almost the same among parties as well. In the second half of 2007, only few were doubting the fact that, if new parliamentary polls are held, the Obnovlenye party would repeat the success from December 2005, after which Igor Smirnov should think of his „post-presidential” future or at least of passing some of his powers to the parliament. But resting on one’s laurels has never yielded good results. In the end, the forces which support Smirnov have consolidated over the last several months. Namely those whose interests were jeopardized by the Gazprombank File played a decisive role in the creation of this bloc. That is the file which has not been carried through by Shevchuk and his colleagues.  

 

Presently, the patriotic party led by Marina and Oleg Smirnov, Narodnaya Volya (People’s Will), whose leader is the former deputy security minister Oleg Gudymo, the republican party of Vladimir Rilyakov and the liberal-democrats of Roman Khudyakov are all in the group which is hostile to the Obnovlenye party. Proryv (Breakthrough), led by an officer of the Transnistrian special services, Dmitriy Soin, is likely to join them soon. But even without Proryv, the above parties are able to take Obnovlenye out of the category of ruling parties to the opposition one.

 

        Meanwhile, the Transnistrian official television continues to fulfill the will of Transnistria’s top leader. While celebrating 9 May, Transnistrians had the occasion to watch on TV the leaders of the pro-Smirnov forces, while nobody remembered those from Obnovlenye.  

 

And the U.S. ambassador, who used to hold meetings only with the parliament speaker, met Igor Smirnov last week. Thus, the executive authorities started asserting themselves in the diplomatic area too. Maybe Shevchuk will manage to compensate this thing through his European ties. But ordinary Transnistrians watch on their TV screen not the seminars in London or Brussels, but the negotiations in Tiraspol. i. e. Igor Smirnov.

The more probable the eventuality of the Transnistrian conflict’s settlement, the more acute the struggle between the forces aspiring to peace and those seeking to maintain the present situation in the region becomes. Time will show whether the Transnistrian political groups interested in the stabilization of the situation are perseverant enough. These groups will have to make a cardinal political choice, just like Yevgeniy Shevchuk. There is no third way. The time of expectation is over.

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